
Supplement
to Northern Somalia Briefing Paper
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Introduction/Highlights
The self-proclaimed Somaliland Republic (Northern Somalia) has not
been recognized internationally, and is largely unaffected by the
bitter internecine fighting going on in the southern part of the
Somalia. Its leaders,
which previously directed the separatist Somali National Movement (SNM)
against Siad Barre, have promised a multi-party democracy, a free
market economy and western-style civil liberties within two years.
Two of the republic's leaders, Finance Minister Ismael Burreh
and Vice President Hassan Issa Jama, are visiting western countries,
the UN and neighboring states on either side of the Red Sea in an
effort to drum up support for their fledgling republic.
Situation
Overview
During the Mengistu regime in Ethiopia, the Somali National
Movement (SNM), which Mengistu secretly supported and encouraged in
its anti-Siad Barre struggle, had often expressed its desire for an
eventual closer political association with Ethiopia; the present
leadership of Somaliland is pursuing the same course with the current
Ethiopian leadership. It is considered a "national goal."
However, neither Mengistu nor the TGE would dare to encourage
secessionism, either covertly or overtly.
The rationale is that to allow secession in any African country
would establish a nasty precedent for Eritrea.
Hence, the former Ethiopian government publicly declared that
it supported the unity and territorial integrity of Somalia.
The TGE will probably follow suit for the present, at least
overtly, but this could change depending upon what happens with
Eritrea.
When Siad Barre was ousted and Somalia sank into anarchy and chaos,
Northern Somalis openly declared that they had more in common with
Ethiopians than they did with Southern Somalis.
They continue to stress this point, even to the extent of
declaring that Berbera is a more natural outlet to the sea for
Ethiopia than either Assab or Massawa.
Although the Northern Somali leadership has repeatedly approached the
Transitional Government of Ethiopia (TGE) for a formal political
association, the latter, which claims to support the right of
self-determination of all nationalities, is reluctant to accept the
offer. Only time will tell what the eventual map of the Horn of
Africa will look like.
Currently, several Non-Government Organizations are working in
Northern Somalia. They
include: Oxfam, CARE,
Medicins-San-Frontiers, Radda Barnen, DisTel, etc.
Security
Situation
At present, a general
state of lawlessness prevails in Somaliland.
There are frequent outbursts of inter-clan fighting and
indiscriminate looting and banditry. For instance, early in the month a vehicle was stolen from
OXFAM, and a company called Turn-Key was attacked in its camp.
Also, bank deposits belonging to CARE were stolen in Hargeisa
and food was plundered from NGO stores in Berbera. Among the suspects
in all of these actions are government troops.
The only access to Northern Somalia is via chartered light aircraft
and small boats from Djibouti. Mine
clearing operations are proceeding very slowly because the contractor
is reluctant to take sophisticated equipment into the area.
Issa
Mussa is continuing to oppose President Tur in Berbera, and there is
no sign of an improvement in the general situation in the country.
In fact, incidents such as the recent discovery of mass graves
are aggravating the conflict.
The
Economy
Strangely enough, in the midst of all of this mayhem, business is
said to be booming in Hargeisa, with stolen goods and live animals
being traded there.
Somaliland is appealing to the world for US$230 million in economic
assistance to bring about basic stability and to launch an economic
and political reform program. Roughly
two-thirds of the money would go towards collecting weapons from
civilians and restoring order in the republic, which broke away from
the rest of Somalia after President Mohamed Siad Barre was ousted 14
months ago. The rest of
the money would go towards the rebuilding of government offices,
improving road and rail links, and providing basic equipment to run
the region, ripped apart by a decade of civil unrest.
The country is not interested in military assistance of any
kind.
Somaliland's economy, largely based on livestock trading, has
been on its knees since Siad Barre went.
Its leaders want to take advantage of its ports to turn it into
a trading center for the entire Red Sea region.
They are also urging western companies to tap its crude oil
resources. No company has
been known to have engaged in exploration activities in Somaliland
since Chevron discontinued its operations there in mid-1988.
But foreign moves to help have been slow in coming.
For instance, a team of German doctors running the only
hospital in Somaliland's capital, Hargeisa, pulled out during
mid-March saying it was impossible to work there because of widespread
looting by armed gangs.
Southern
Somalia
The situation in the rest of what was once Somalia is equally
grave. The entire country
has been engulfed in clan-based warfare since the United Somali
Congress rebel group toppled the dictatorship of Mohammad Siad Barre
in January 1990. UN
officials have estimated that 30,000 Somalians have been killed or
injured in Mogadishu alone since November 1991.
More than 300,000 of the city's residents have fled.
Throughout Somalia it is estimated that the civil war has
caused the displacement of over two million people out of an estimated
population of seven million.
Although the country faces widespread famine, unabated fighting
in Mogadishu has precluded a large-scale aid program.
The UN's US$12 million program to help the displaced and
starving in Somalia sits far from reality in Mogadishu, unable to even
start until a cease-fire is in place.
Six UN employees have been killed in Somalia in the past year.
The UN said regional efforts to settle the civil war have
generally failed, and it was quick to announce that its assistance
program in Northern Somalia in no way implies recognition of the
political situation there. In
the South, UN workers had to be temporarily evacuated several times
due to the fighting.
Delivery of food already committed by aid agencies is proving
impossible. UNICEF ships
wait in the harbor, unable to dock and in danger of being ambushed by
starving Somalis the moment they do. Four foreign aid workers were killed in January alone.
But having been supplied with arms during the cold war, Somalia does
have large ammunition stores, and there is little prospect of them
running out anytime soon. Although
the two warring factions signed an agreement at UN headquarters in
February stipulating their intention to end the year-old bloody civil
war, a viable cease-fire remains elusive.
Africa Watch predicted that UN cease-fire efforts would fail
unless the world body posts a permanent representative in Mogadishu
and becomes better informed about the country's problems.
Islamic
Fundamentalism
In a country where the only two remaining embassies in the capital
are maintained by Egypt and Sudan, there has been a noticeable
increase in Iranian activity. Iran
is funding the Somali faction of General Mohamed Farah Aideed, which
is fighting to overthrow President Ah
Mahdi Mohamed, backed by Egypt and Saudi Arabia.
Iran has clearly been on a path of supporting the rise of
radical Islamic fundamentalism in Africa, particularly in the Horn,
where close to one-fourth of the population is Muslim.
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